In the interwar years (1918-1939), university-educated women led Iceland’s early conversation about birth control, writing and translating books on sex education. The women’s movement was divided on reproductive rights. In 1935, at the initiative of the Chief Medical Officer, parliament passed Iceland’s first abortion law, among the earliest of its kind. It permitted abortion when the health of the mother or child was at risk. Social circumstances could be taken into account but were not, on their own, sufficient grounds. Guðrún Lárusdóttir, the only woman in parliament, opposed considering social reasons.
In the 1970s, the Redstockings pushed for a law that recognized a woman’s right to decide. After intense debate, parliament passed a 1975 law that allowed abortion on social grounds up to the end of the 16th week, but the decision still required approval from doctors and social workers. The issue returned in the 21st century. In 2019, parliament passed a new law allowing women to request an abortion up to the end of the 22nd week. Voting was 40 to 18. Data show that abortions did not increase after the reform, and most occur before the 9th week.
In the interwar years (1918-1939), university-educated women led Iceland’s early conversation about birth control, writing and translating books on sex education. The women’s movement was divided on reproductive rights. In 1935, at the initiative of the Chief Medical Officer, parliament passed Iceland’s first abortion law, among the earliest of its kind. It permitted abortion when the health of the mother or child was at risk. Social circumstances could be taken into account but were not, on their own, sufficient grounds. Guðrún Lárusdóttir, the only woman in parliament, opposed considering social reasons.
In the 1970s, the Redstockings pushed for a law that recognized a woman’s right to decide. After intense debate, parliament passed a 1975 law that allowed abortion on social grounds up to the end of the 16th week, but the decision still required approval from doctors and social workers. The issue returned in the 21st century. In 2019, parliament passed a new law allowing women to request an abortion up to the end of the 22nd week. Voting was 40 to 18. Data show that abortions did not increase after the reform, and most occur before the 9th week.
In the interwar years (1918-1939), university-educated women led Iceland’s early conversation about birth control, writing and translating books on sex education. The women’s movement was divided on reproductive rights. In 1935, at the initiative of the Chief Medical Officer, parliament passed Iceland’s first abortion law, among the earliest of its kind. It permitted abortion when the health of the mother or child was at risk. Social circumstances could be taken into account but were not, on their own, sufficient grounds. Guðrún Lárusdóttir, the only woman in parliament, opposed considering social reasons.
In the 1970s, the Redstockings pushed for a law that recognized a woman’s right to decide. After intense debate, parliament passed a 1975 law that allowed abortion on social grounds up to the end of the 16th week, but the decision still required approval from doctors and social workers. The issue returned in the 21st century. In 2019, parliament passed a new law allowing women to request an abortion up to the end of the 22nd week. Voting was 40 to 18. Data show that abortions did not increase after the reform, and most occur before the 9th week.
Clippings from the Red Stockings movement from newspapers regarding reproductive rights. / Women's History Archives
The parliamentarians Svava Jakobsdóttir and Sigurlaug Bjarnadóttir deliver a speech to motivate the members of parliament on Women’s Day in 1975.
Photographer unknown. Preservation: Women’s History Archive of Iceland.
The parliamentarians Svava Jakobsdóttir and Sigurlaug Bjarnadóttir deliver a speech to motivate the members of parliament on Women’s Day in 1975. Photographer unknown. Preservation: Women’s History Archive of Iceland.
Addressing gender-based violence
Addressing gender-based violence
Addressing gender-based violence
Public discussion of gender-based and intimate partner violence grew in the 1980s. Reykjavík opened a Women’s Shelter in 1982 for women and children living with violence at home. In 1990, activists connected to the shelter founded Stígamót, a counseling and education center that supports survivors and raises awareness of sexual violence. Conversation about sexual harassment, including in workplaces, expanded, and unions handled more cases. As more women entered parliament, MPs brought these issues forward and drove legal and policy changes. The movement has stayed central in Iceland and internationally. SlutWalk reached Iceland in 2011, and #MeToo followed, emphasizing accountability for perpetrators and lifting shame from survivors.
Public discussion of gender-based and intimate partner violence grew in the 1980s. Reykjavík opened a Women’s Shelter in 1982 for women and children living with violence at home. In 1990, activists connected to the shelter founded Stígamót, a counseling and education center that supports survivors and raises awareness of sexual violence. Conversation about sexual harassment, including in workplaces, expanded, and unions handled more cases. As more women entered parliament, MPs brought these issues forward and drove legal and policy changes. The movement has stayed central in Iceland and internationally. SlutWalk reached Iceland in 2011, and #MeToo followed, emphasizing accountability for perpetrators and lifting shame from survivors.
“We have the vote,” said writer and parliamentarian Svava Jakobsdóttir, speaking at Reykjavík’s Women’s Day Off rally on October 24, 1975. “And we’re proud of it. But what we seem to forget is that we also fought for the right to run for office.”
Her words came six decades after Icelandic women had won the vote. Yet by 1975, only nine women had ever served in parliament. At the time, just three women, a mere 5% of Alþingi members, held seats, and that was the highest number to date. Only one woman had ever served as a cabinet minister, and for just one year, in 1970.
In comparison, the other Nordic countries had already moved ahead, with women making up 14–26% of their national parliaments and frequently serving in government. Local representation in Iceland was even lower: women made up less than 4% of municipal representatives in 1975.
From the Women’s strike in 2016, signs in support of Polish women’s fight for reproductive rights. Lárus Karl Ingason / Women's History Archives
The parliamentarians Svava Jakobsdóttir and Sigurlaug Bjarnadóttir deliver a speech to motivate the members of parliament on Women’s Day in 1975. Photographer unknown. Preservation: Women’s History Archive of Iceland.
The parliamentarians Svava Jakobsdóttir and Sigurlaug Bjarnadóttir deliver a speech to motivate the members of parliament on Women’s Day in 1975.
Photographer unknown. Preservation: Women’s History Archive of Iceland.
Regulating the sex industry
Regulating the sex industry
Regulating the sex industry
Around 2000, the sex industry became a major public issue. Strip clubs had multiplied to twelve nationwide, including three in Akureyri, a town of about 15,000. Authorities and advocates suspected links to prostitution, trafficking, and human rights abuses. In the early 2000s, Reykjavík and other municipalities banned strip clubs. In 2010, parliament prohibited entertainment venues from offering nude performances nationwide. The year before, following the Swedish model, parliament criminalized the purchase of sex and the brokering of prostitution while not penalizing the seller.
Around 2000, the sex industry became a major public issue. Strip clubs had multiplied to twelve nationwide, including three in Akureyri, a town of about 15,000. Authorities and advocates suspected links to prostitution, trafficking, and human rights abuses. In the early 2000s, Reykjavík and other municipalities banned strip clubs. In 2010, parliament prohibited entertainment venues from offering nude performances nationwide. The year before, following the Swedish model, parliament criminalized the purchase of sex and the brokering of prostitution while not penalizing the seller.
Around 2000, the sex industry became a major public issue. Strip clubs had multiplied to twelve nationwide, including three in Akureyri, a town of about 15,000. Authorities and advocates suspected links to prostitution, trafficking, and human rights abuses. In the early 2000s, Reykjavík and other municipalities banned strip clubs. In 2010, parliament prohibited entertainment venues from offering nude performances nationwide. The year before, following the Swedish model, parliament criminalized the purchase of sex and the brokering of prostitution while not penalizing the seller.
Further reading
Political scientist Silja Bára Ómarsdóttir on the 2019 Icelandic abortion laws
Article by nine medical researchers on Nordic abortion laws since the 1970s
The Icelandic Women‘s Rights Association on gender-based violence and discrimination
The Icelandic Women‘s Rights Association on prostitution and human trafficking
Stígamót, Center for Survivors of Sexual Violence, on prostitution in Iceland
Further reading
Political scientist Silja Bára Ómarsdóttir on the 2019 Icelandic abortion laws
Article by nine medical researchers on Nordic abortion laws since the 1970s
The Icelandic Women‘s Rights Association on gender-based violence and discrimination
The Icelandic Women‘s Rights Association on prostitution and human trafficking
Stígamót, Center for Survivors of Sexual Violence, on prostitution in Iceland
Further reading
Political scientist Silja Bára Ómarsdóttir on the 2019 Icelandic abortion laws
Article by nine medical researchers on Nordic abortion laws since the 1970s
The Icelandic Women‘s Rights Association on gender-based violence and discrimination
The Icelandic Women‘s Rights Association on prostitution and human trafficking
Stígamót, Center for Survivors of Sexual Violence, on prostitution in Iceland
